The Complex and Turbulent Path towards the Evolution of ULFA from an Idealistic Rebel Outfit to a Terrorist Group

Analysis

By Chayanika Mahanta

The United Liberation Front of Assam (ULFA) emerged from a deep-seated anguish and a profound sense of alienation, as the indigenous communities of Assam grappled with years of neglect and incremental marginalization. This simmering discontent festering for decades ignited its rise as a fierce response to the systemic disregard for the cultural and political aspirations of the Assamese community.

Assam has always been rich in its culture, language, tradition, history and has been the home to number of indigenous ethnic groups. It was also rich in natural resources like oil, coal, timber and tea. However, infrastructure development and job opportunities never matched the richness and pride of the Assamese population. To make things worse, the indigenous population felt threatened by the unabated influx of Bangladeshi migrants since the 19th century. The exodus of refugees, who were socially and culturally different, created a sense of insecurity and unease within the indigenous community.

The Beginning

It was against this backdrop that a bunch of young radicals, comprising Paresh Baruah, Arabinda Rajkhowa, Anup Chetia, Bhupen Borgohain, Pradip Gogoi, Bhadreshwar Gohain, Budheswar Gogoi and the relatively older Bhimakanta Buragohain, came together in the Rang Ghar premises in Sivasagar on April 7, 1979, and founded a rebel organization, with the goal of protecting the interest of the indigenous communities. The group wanted to establish a sovereign Assam by waging an armed struggle against the India Union. They further claim that resources of Assam have been exploited by the Union government ignoring the development of the region. To further their goal ULFA started organizing themselves, undertook armed training, and mobilized cadres.

During the initial phase, ULFA cadres were trained and supported by the dreaded National Socialist Council of Nagaland (NSCN). It also established links with terror outfits based in Pakistan and Kashmir. Gradually its network started building contacts with outfits and supporters in Bangladesh, Bhutan, Myanmar, Sri Lanka, Singapore, and even parts of Europe. The nature of links differed in each country, and ULFA established deep links with Bangladesh, Pakistan and China.

Outside Support

Pakistan’s intelligence agency the Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) provided training to ULFA in terror tactics, counterintelligence, disinformation and use of sophisticated weapons and explosives. It also helped in supply of funds and facilitated travels of ULFA militants to Karachi. In Bangladesh, the political apparatus which started moving away from India due to deep malice arising out of ISI influence and growing Islamism provided safe haven and helped in setting up of training camps inside their territory to ULFA, which was gradually becoming a nightmare for the India’s internal security. With the passage of time China emerged as another country which provided logistical support and shelter to ULFA cadres and its leadership.

As the violent activities by the outfit grew, the Government of India decided to clamp down on the activities of ULFA and banned it in 1990 under the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act. The same year, the Indian Army moved into Assam to tackle insurgency with the launch of Operation Bajrang (1990) and Operation Rhino (1991) against the rebel group. With the commencement of Operation Bajrang thousands of militants were either arrested or killed, and Assam was declared a disturbed state under the Armed Forces Special Power Act.

Era of Operations

In November 1990, the President’s Rule was imposed in Assam due to concerns regarding internal security. Following this, in 1991, Operation Bajrang was officially withdrawn, and the then Union Government communicated its willingness to initiate discussions with the United Liberation Front of Asom (ULFA). However, the banned organization responded unfavorably, asserting that negotiations could not occur as long as armed operations and President's Rule remained in effect. Furthermore, ULFA insisted that their demand for a sovereign state of Assam be included in the negotiation agenda, a condition deemed non-negotiable by the Union Government.

In 1991, a newly elected government came to power in Assam but ULFA’s violence and killings continued.  The army was deployed again and in 1991 Operation Rhino was launched against ULFA. In 1992, ULFA witnessed the first split when many militants surrendered. They were referred to as SULFA or Surrendered United Liberation Front of Assam. In 1996, Asom Gana Parishad (AGP) returned to power and used SULFA against ULFA, triggering a blood-bath. On one side there was terror unleashed by ULFA, and on other side killing of family members of ULFA by SULFA which was termed as “secret killings”. In such a violent atmosphere, innocent civilians suffered and witnessed the saga of revenge.

The Barbaric Act

ULFA continued with its activities, but its fight for attaining Assam’s sovereignty came at a heavy price with severe consequences. In 2004, they carried out one of the most gruesome terror attack in the state when they executed a bomb blast during Independence Day celebration in Dhemaji district, where 18 people including 13 children were killed. Simultaneously, thousands of youth who joined the group lost their lives and many civilians died in the violence either due to the target of the outfit or in the cross fire between rebels and security forces.

In 2008, after Sheikh Hasina-led Awami League returned to power in Bangladesh, top ULFA leader Arabinda Rajkhowa was arrested in Bangladesh and handed over to India which ultimately led to another split in the outfit.  In 2011, Rajkhowa and his group agreed to be a part of the peace talks with the Union Government and signed a cease fire agreement.

A Shot in the Arm

In 2015, the process of talks got a big boost when the Bangladesh Government extradited ULFA’s second most popular leader and general secretary, Anup Chetia, to India.  Chetia was arrested in 1997 by Bangladesh security agencies for illegally entering the country using a forged passport and possessing arms and foreign currencies. India had been trying to get him back since his arrest so that he could join the peace talks between the ULFA faction headed by Rajkhowa and Union Government. However, the other faction led by Paresh Baruah rejected the talks and refused to compromise on their demand of a sovereign Assam.

Gradually the peace process made smooth progress and in December 29, 2023, the pro-talk group of ULFA signed a tripartite agreement with the Union Government and Assam Government in a quest to end decades old violence. The agreement had several clauses for accelerating the state’s development and safeguarding the land and political rights of the indigenous communities. The outfit committed to disband itself, surrender weapons, renounce violence and participate in the peaceful democratic process established by law. Terming the agreement as the beginning of a new era of peace, Union Home Minister Amit Shah said, “It’s a new era of peace for Assam and the entire northeast. With this agreement, ULFA cadres will give up arms, vacate their camps and join the mainstream to be part of the democratic process.”

Divergent Views

However, peace is still elusive as the Paresh Baruah-led anti-talk faction rebranded itself as United Liberation Front of Asom-Independent (ULFA-I) and slammed the agreement. He wanted negotiation with “sovereignty of Assam” as a core issue. Since a majority of original leaders and cadres joined the peace process, ULFA-I has been trying to regroup, with numerous reports surfacing about youth across the state leaving home to join the outfit. Since the last few years, the group has been causing minor security scares on a regular basis.

This Independence Day on 15th August 2024, ULFA-I did something that nobody expected. Like every year, Paresh Baruah gave a boycott call for Independence Day, but nobody took it as a threat. However, as the state was celebrating the day, the banned outfit sent emails to various media outlets informing that bombs have been planted across Assam and disclosed the exact places. Security agencies recovered the bombs which never exploded, but it caused enough panic among the security agencies and common people.

The Current Scenario

The recovery of explosives planted by ULFA-I though didn’t cause any harm, it did underscore the outfit’s capacity to penetrate the security cover and inflict damage to peace and stability whenever it wants. From a security perspective in Assam, the situation is precarious given that the new recruits are young and eager to assert themselves. However, it remains highly questionable whether the motivation behind the new recruits to join the banned outfit stems from ideological beliefs or mere economic gain. If it is the latter, they are nothing more than mercenaries who plan to exploit terrorism as a means of livelihood.

Initially, the United Liberation Front of Asom (ULFA) was an organization characterized by strong ideologies, a sense of pride, and an unwavering approach to its objectives. However, over time, it has deviated from its original mission. Currently, it resembles a group of opportunists who have jeopardized the future of countless youth. The organization has failed to achieve substantive success or positively contribute to society. While its members initially resorted to armed conflict with the aim of restoring the pride of Assam, their trajectory has diverged significantly; some have surrendered, while others have engaged in intra-group violence. A few individuals have amassed significant wealth, and the original leaders appear to be clinging to any available opportunity to secure their own futures. Those who continue to reject dialogue have become nothing more than aimless terrorists, chasing an elusive dream of “Swadhin Asom” or an independent Assam.

References :

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Disclaimer: This paper is the author's individual scholastic contribution and does not necessarily reflect the organization's viewpoint.